The primary purpose of the study in question is to explore law enforcers training experiences as well  to also their self-reported practices in regards to the interrogation of suspects, both adults, and adolescent. The findings of this research could be of great help in identifying existing gaps in the training of law enforcers (Cleary & Warner, 2016). In addition to that, the findings can also provide new insight for methods developed for specific challenges faced while interviewing adolescent suspects.

In the study, the Reid technique was identified to be the most common form of interrogation training. However, the number of students who have actually examined the way this training is received is quite low. Furthermore, there is no prior study done to examine how many law enforcers receive any form of interrogation training, whether Reid or otherwise (Garcia, 2009).  The research also explores the number of police officers who have received training on how to interrogate a suspect. To have a better understanding of the kind of techniques associated with specific training, content training has also been explored.

On average, the study found out that police officers are trained to use 13 different techniques while interrogating adults and 11 when the suspect is a juvenile. Generally, there were high chances that the law enforcers had received training on specific methods to employ when they have an adult suspect, and this differed from when the suspect was an adolescent. This suggests that most of the interrogation training, that police officer receive are normally geared to be used with adults. About 70 percent or more of the law enforcers are said to have been trained on how to present evidence, use deceit for suspects, deception detection, and rapport building methods. Techniques that most officers receive less training on was how to discourage denials, and laming of victims.

For every training technique that was included in the research, at least half of the officers reported to have received training on how to use the particular method with juvenile suspects. The majority of law enforcers, however, report of receiving Juvenile training through informal ways, and not from a classroom or a workshop as they did when been training on adult suspects (Cleary & Warner, 2016). This means that most of them learn these techniques from other officers while they are on the job. One of the conclusions drawn from the study is that a majority of interrogation training is designed to only question adult suspects and that there are rare training intended for Juveniles.

The way certain methods were used together with each other varied during the training experiences, particularly in Reid training. Contrary to what many scholars have said in criticism, it appears as though officers who receive training on Reid technique are not likely to employ controversial methods such as deceit or fabricating evidence as compared to those who have not been trained on Reid. These law enforcers, however, have a high likelihood of implementing some subtle tactics that mostly depends on building rapport, psychological manipulation, as well as deception detection.

In training, there were also some few differences that emerged in tactics that should be involved in the presentation of evidence, regardless of whether it is real or fake. Findings from the study suggest that the type of methods could either, job shadow another law enforce or could be taught more generally (Garcia, 2009). The research indicates that there are different ways in which an officer would use functions of his training experience rather than his/her suspect’s age. The last set of the analysis indicated that unlike non-Reid law enforces, officers who are Reid trained have a high probability of using tactics that are manipulative and pre-interrogation in nature.

 
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